Frenzied media attacks on Nicola Sturgeon went from policy to personal

You would have thought that most of those involved in politics in Scotland would grudgingly admit that there might be something praiseworthy in the decision by the SNP leadership to seek the views of the wider party about the way forward after the Supreme Court judgment, particularly as there has been considerable criticism of a supposed “top-down” approach in recent years.

Yet instead, it was instantly attacked as an indication of a debilitating split in the independence movement and further evidence of the long-awaited decline and fall of the Scottish Government.

On the ground, however, the opposite is true. I have been taking part in meetings with SNP members across the country at which virtually everyone has warmly welcomed all contributions on the issue including from those with whom they ultimately disagree.

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The views on a de facto referendum

For example, lots of people are grateful for Angus Brendan MacNeil’s suggestions, but feel that they still don’t take fully into account the inevitability and effect of a legal challenge to any change in the Holyrood standing orders regarding the ability to call an early election.

I share that view, based both on my reading of Standing Order 17.1 which says that “Any amendment to the standing orders must be consistent with the requirements of the Act” and the clear willingness of Westminster to use the law to try to suppress Scottish democratic demands.

The “requirements of the Act” include a presumption in favour of fixed terms and against attempts by any First Minister to precipitate an election outwith the dates proscribed by those terms.

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That intention was and still is a major differentiation between the Parliaments. Holyrood has eschewed the corruption inherent in a system that gives such power to a sitting Prime Minister and rightly so. The courts would take that into account.

So the risk remains that any attempt to secure an early Holyrood election – even if that were desirable at a time of considerable cost of living pressure on every citizen – would end up unintentionally putting Douglas Ross into Bute House, a prospect which is as scary and destructive as anything Stephen King could think up.

A legal challenge might fail of course but even its existence would further derail the process and would be exploited – as the Section 35 order is being exploited – by the usual suspects.

I also welcome Stewart McDonald’s thoughtful intervention yet I think it too is flawed.

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The SNP have always worked best when in campaign mode with a clear target. Not having that clear target has been a significant weakening factor in recent times. Experience tells us we need to focus on a date and launch a major campaign of information and conversion tailored to it, though capable of change if the date changes.

The debate about process needs to come to an end, not merely be postponed, and be replaced by a debate about substance. Avoiding a decision is to the advantage of Unionists, not nationalists.

So I think a plebiscite Westminster election is the best choice, but I remain open to ideas and persuasion. So do virtually all the people with whom I have talked.

There is also widespread agreement with Tommy Sheppard (below) that we need to flesh out the details of what a plebiscite election requires before, during and after such an event. As Lesley Riddoch has pointed out in this newspaper, that must mean negotiating to ensure that there is an effective wider Yes campaign.

"A Unionist-inspired media feeding frenzy"

All these views, honestly and positively expressed, are welcome because they are contributing to the achievement of a more democratic and therefore better Scotland.

And that is of course why they are being opposed tooth and nail in what has been a Unionist-inspired media feeding frenzy, targeted at Nicola Sturgeon, with the aim of decapitating the party, demonising its leadership, derailing our discussion and delegitimising what we seek to achieve.

Strength in politics comes from unity based on mutual respect and shared goals. Weaken that and you fatally weaken the ability to achieve the societal changes that are so clearly needed.

I came very close to resigning twice in my ministerial career. On both occasions, it was because of the overwhelming debilitating pressure that any normal human being would feel when being torn apart by such media feeding frenzies.

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Neither of those very low points were however half as bad as the current attacks on Scotland’s First Minister.

There will always be legitimate differing points of view about any policy and they are bound to be even more firmly held when the issue involves fundamental rights, protections and vulnerabilities. Passions can run high and things are sometimes said – on both sides, it has to be said – that would be better left unsaid.

But what we are seeing now is not about the rights and wrongs of any individual policy. It is increasingly about venomous, personalised and at times ridiculous attacks on a decisive, principled and talented woman who has strong public opinions but who values and defends her private space. Someone who works tirelessly for her fellow citizens but who chooses to socialise and be strengthened from within a small trusted circle and who communicates with great skill but who is also understandably frustrated by deliberate hostility and misrepresentation – and is not afraid to show it.

On a personal basis, I have always hated such unfairness and bullying but there is a political reason to call it out now too.

We have to be united

The SNP have a big decision to make. We need to make it with thought, with openness and with a determination to come together to deliver once we have decided.

We must resolutely refuse to be turned from that vital task by those who want us to fail.

We must stand together – for if they come for one now, later they will come for us all.