THE “double majority mandate” proposed by Believe in Scotland as a route map to independence appears to have much merit and should be considered positively by the SNP and its leadership. That said, there still seems scope to be more explicit on necessary follow-up actions to be agreed by independence candidates before the next General Election to ensure that the incoming UK Government respects the winning mandate and acts in accordance with established democratic principles. These scheduled actions should be serious and substantial to make it clear that rejection, or even prevarication, are not acceptable options as the political consequences of further retreat from democracy will be significant, not only in the eyes of the Scottish electorate but in the eyes of the rest of the UK and the international community.
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The SNP can lead Scotland to independence by taking assertive steps such as having every candidate give an undertaking that with a majority of MPs an appropriate change in the Scotland Act must be forthcoming (enabling, among other devolution enhancements, the Scottish Parliament to call constitutional referendums at times of its choosing), or with a majority of the vote a timetable for independence negotiations must be enacted, otherwise the successful candidate will not stand for re-election to Westminster. More immediately, any delays by the UK Government in implementing the mandated timetable could be met with one-by-one sequential resignations, commencing with the MP enjoying the largest majority resigning first then re-contesting the seat under an unequivocal independence commitment (not certain of the mechanics, but sure a way could be found to legitimately confront the undemocratic actions of the UK Government while attracting sympathetic global attention as the “Mother of Parliaments” and the “beacon of democracy” is widely seen to be a repressive sham).
In the meantime, ahead of the SNP conference in October, the more supporters of independence – inside as well as outside the SNP – focus on increasing majority support for immediate self-determination, the more likely that support will rise beyond 60% and confirm beyond doubt that independence is the settled will of the people of Scotland.
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It goes without saying that across the independence movement there are different views on a whole range of different matters, but either the goal of independence “transcends” all such matters or personal views on independence take precedence. Like most things in life we cannot have it both ways, and if the latter is the priority for any individual then that individual may take personal satisfaction from winning specific arguments with fellow independence supporters but is unlikely to persuade those who have doubts about independence overall to now vote for the SNP or any other independence-supporting party.
Prominent SNP figures (past and present) such as Alex Salmond, Jim Sillars, Kenny MacAskill, George Kerevan, Angus MacNeil, Joanna Cherry and Fergus Ewing have, at different times, all been critical of SNP leadership, and all apparently have had justifications for their different opinions which hopefully have been fully considered by Humza Yousaf and his team. However, if as individuals these talented and capable politicians, as well as their followers, choose not to reflect on the wise pragmatism of inspiring egalitarian democrats such as Mandela and Ghandi and thus rise above promoting their own personal political agendas then I fear that we will struggle to increase support for independence to greater than 50% of the vote in the next General Election, never mind 60% overall, and thus we will fail to deliver the early outcome which we all apparently desire and for which most of us who read The National continue to earnestly strive.
Stan Grodynski
Longniddry, East Lothian
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