Eye-witness accounts of the Battle of Culloden as we approach the 275th anniversary

This current series has been all about showing how the Act of Union was anything but robust from the outset, as Unionists usually proclaim.

We have seen how the Parcel of Rogues had second thoughts as soon as they got to Westminster and were treated abominably by English lords and MPs. I have shown how the Act of Union was just four votes from being repealed, and how the 1715 Jacobite Rising was a direct consequence of the Union that James Stuart – James VIII and III as he was recognised by France – promised to end if he regained the throne. I have shown how the imposition of the hated Malt Tax – strictly against the terms of the Union – caused riots across Scotland in 1725.

I will return to the period 1725 to 1745 after this column, not least because it includes the Porteous Riot, which is a story in itself. But with the anniversary falling on Friday, I must fast forward to the story of the Battle of Culloden which, by any objective analysis, was the very last real chance to overthrow the Union until September 18, 2014.

The Jacobite Rising of 1745-46 was the biggest-ever threat to the Union. Prince Charles Edward Stuart explicitly stated that he would end the Union, and as with his father in 1715, that was enough to draw many Scots to his banner. Had he been able to persuade his army commanders to continue marching on London after they stopped at Derby, he might well have found King George II gone to the Continent and been able to regain the throne.

As it was, the Jacobites went back to Scotland and proved they were still a formidable force at Falkirk Muir. After Falkirk Muir, the Jacobite army went north, and in their wake came the army commanded by Prince William Augustus, the Duke of Cumberland, third son of George II. He was a professional soldier and had commanded the king’s army on the Continent.

He was no diplomat, however, and managed to annoy the Hanoverians’ ally Prince Frederick of Hesse so much that he withdrew his 5000 feared Hessian troops from the forthcoming battle. Had they stayed, would Charles have even bothered to fight at Culloden?

By March 11, 1746, Charles had reached Elgin where he promptly caught pneumonia. It was touch and go whether he would survive – if not, Culloden would not have happened – but he rallied and was well enough to dance with the ladies of Inverness, which he made his seat of command. Meanwhile, Cumberland had occupied Aberdeen and imposed brutal martial law – a foretaste of things to come. His army included many Scots and Irish soldiers, and together with the English regiments, he had around 8000 infantry in all, plus around 400 horsed troops, mostly dragoons. The infantry were well-trained, particularly in the use of muskets and bayonets to defend against the Highland charge they knew they would have to face.

READ MORE: The lasting link between the Jacobites and an independent Scotland

To answer the vexed question on why this was a “British” army: historians have shown that Cumberland’s army included 16 regiments of foot, four of which were Scottish and Highland militia units, including the Royal Scots, Royal Scots Fusiliers and the Argyll Militia of Campbells. Many of his regiments had fought with Cumberland in Flanders and were battle-hardened.

Estimates vary on how many Jacobites remained after a winter in which many men had gone home to their glens, but they were certainly 2000 or more short of the 8000 who had won the Battle of Falkirk Muir in January. Historians have shown that only half of the Highland clans had joined the Rising – had the rest joined in, Bonnie Prince Charlie might well have ended up king.

The Jacobite clansmen were effectively a militia, part-time soldiers who were prepared to fight for their prince and their clan chiefs, even after the ship from France carrying their pay was captured by the Royal Navy who had shadowed Cumberland’s march north and provided plenty provisions for his army.

Marching from Inverness, Prince Charles led his army five miles eastwards to Drumossie Moor and the land around Culloden House. Food was scarce for the Jacobites and a night attack on Cumberland’s camp at Nairn – where the duke was celebrating his 25th birthday – ended in disarray.

Though some of the local clans were well-fed and rested, many of the Jacobite Highlanders were hungry and tired, but still formed themselves into attacking formation, each clan led by its chief or his appointed commander, on the morning of April 16. The Jacobite army was in two lines with a small reserve behind, mostly horsed troops, though they were precious few. The Macdonalds were in front on the left flank and the Camerons, led by Cameron of Lochiel, were next to them, with the front line extending all the way to the men of Atholl under their leader Lord George Murray.

THE trouble was that, due to disagreement between the senior officers, the Jacobite army was drawn up at Drumossie Moor on part of the lands of Culloden. It was rough terrain, entirely unsuitable for the Highland charge that had won the day at Prestonpans, and thus the government army had the superior position. Charles and his few remaining cavalry came out of Culloden House. They joined a force that was outnumbered, outgunned, and in poor condition.

Now I will turn to the eye-witness accounts given by many participants.

Donald Mackay of Acmonie in Glen Urquhart had run to join the Jacobite force. Many years later he wrote in Gaelic: “They put us in the Glengarry regiment where we had many relatives and friends.

“When we reached the army a great shout of joy went up, welcoming us. Prince Charles himself, riding a white horse, was moving around among the Highland army. He was a fine fellow, a true prince. There has not been seen, and there will never be seen again in the Highlands, a prince of his equal …

“The morning was cold and stormy as we stood on the battlefield – snow and rain blowing against us. Before long we saw the red soldiers, in battle formation, in front of us …”

The battle began with an artillery exchange, the government army having by far the superior weaponry as they had mortars that wreaked havoc in the Jacobite lines.

Just after noon, the Jacobites fired their cannon first to try and destroy Cumberland’s guns. Edward Linn, of the Royal Scots Fusiliers, wrote to his wife after the battle: “They fired two pieces of cannon first upon us; we returned them six. They choosed that bogie moor to fight in by reason they thought we could not bring up our cannon through it, but, thank God, they were all mistaken.”

Mackay recalled: “The battle began and the pellets came at us like hail-stones. The big guns were thundering and causing frightful break up among us, but we ran forward and – oh dear!, oh dear! – what cutting and slicing there was and many the brave deeds performed by the Gaels. I saw Iain Mor MacGilliosa (Big Ian Gillies) cutting down the English as if he was cutting corn and Iain Breac Shiosallach (Freckled Ian Chisholm) killing them as though they were flies. But the English were numerous and we were few and a large number of our friends fell. The dead lay on all sides and the cries of pain of the wounded rang in our ears. You could see a riderless horse running and jumping as if mad.”

THE venerable Scots Magazine carried letters just days after the battle. One written by a government army officer read: “The action begun by the fire of the rebels cannon; which ours answered with success, and very soon brought their first line, consisting altogether of their clans, in a great hurry to attack us. Their right wing outfronted our left; which fell in a little: but our men fairly beat them back with their bayonets, and made a great slaughter of them.”

Major James Wolfe, later to gain fame as the slain victor of the Battle of Quebec, sent a despatch from Inverness the day after the battle: “The rebels posted themselves on a high boggy moor, where they imagined our cannon and cavalry would be useless; but both did essential service. The cannon in particular made them very uneasy, and after firing a quarter of an hour, obliged them to change their situation and move forward some 100 yards to attack our front line of Foot, which they did with more fury than prudence, throwing down their firearms, and advancing with their drawn swords. They were however repulsed, and ran off with the greatest precipitation, and the Dragoons falling in amongst them completed the victory with much slaughter. We have taken about 20 pieces of cannon in the field and 700 prisoners, amongst which are all the Irish piquets, and broadswords, plaids innumberable. Orders were publicly given in the rebel army, the day before the action, that no quarter should be given to our troops. We had an opportunity of avenging ourselves, and I assure you as few prisoners were taken of the Highlanders as possible ... May they ever be punished in the same manner who attempt the like!”

He summarised the battle thus: “The duke engaged with the rebel army, and in about an hour drove them from the field of battle, where they left near 1500 dead; the rest, except prisoners, escaped by the neighbourhood of the hills.”

Colonel Christopher Teesdale recalled the battle more than 40 years later: “Colonel Bedford (a most excellent artillery officer) began to cannonade with such success that they were unable to stand it, and came down in a rapid and determined manner. When Bedford perceived them at proper distance he then poured in grape shot that mowed them down in such a manner that their columns only extended to oppose the 4th and 20th Regiments, in which regiments they made some havoc.”

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That concurs with the usual view of the battle. The Jacobite army attacked in a ragged line under heavy fire, and broke through the first rank of the government troops in places, but could not penetrate the second rank. In some parts of the Jacobite line, many clansmen fell before they had even reached their opponents.

The battle was less than an hour gone before the Jacobite commanders realised that all was lost. Their soldiers had begun to turn and flee and now all that concerned the commanders was the safety of Charles. An eye-witness wrote: “The prince, seeing his army entirely-routed, and all his endeavours to rally the men fruitless, was at last prevailed upon to retire. Most of his horse assembled around his person to secure his retreat, which was made without any danger, for the enemy advanced very leisurely over the ground. They were too happy to have got so cheap a victory over a prince and an enemy that they had so much reason to dread They made no attack where there was any body of the prince’s men together, but contented themselves with sabering such unfortunate people as fell in his way single and disarmed.”

Most estimates say around 1200 Jacobites were killed during the battle and immediate aftermath, with the government army losing around 100 on the day and perhaps 200 more from wounds.

The Jacobite Rising was at an end, and the Union was safe. For now …