THE first duty of the state is the safety and security of its citizens. In Scotland that day-to-day civil responsibility is devolved and lies with the Scottish Government and Police Scotland. However the looming end of the Brexit transition period highlights the risks we face being taken out of the European Union, which as we know is happening against the will of people in Scotland.

For a few more weeks at least, Scotland still effectively benefits from European Union initiatives and agencies, including: the European Arrest Warrant (EAW), which fast-tracks the transfer of criminals between member states; the Schengen Information System II (SIS II), which gives access to real-time alerts and information on missing and wanted people and objects; the Passenger Name Record (PNR), which gives access to information on passengers on flights to and from the EU; the Prüm Convention system, which allows access to other member states’ national databases for DNA profiles, fingerprints and vehicle registration data; the European Criminal Record Information System (ECRIS), which enables automated exchange of criminal record data; and Europol and Eurojust, EU agencies which facilitate police and investigation.

In the reserved area of defence and security, decisions are made for Scotland by the UK Government, but are similarly about to be affected by the looming end of the Brexit transition period. EU member states pool their funding and resources as part of the Common Security and Defence Policy, including: humanitarian and rescue missions, conflict prevention and peacekeeping, joint disarmament operations, military advice and assistance, crisis management and post-conflict stabilisation. Even though the UK has been a less than enthusiastic partner in the CSDP, the ability to influence its development is about to end entirely. Scotland sits in a critical geo-strategic location, with the Greenland-Iceland-UK (GIUK) gap to our north, Atlantic to our west and North Sea to our east. Scotland’s marine boundary extend north-east of the Faroe Islands, in the west far beyond Ireland and in the east meets with the Norwegian sector. Air patrol of the wider region is co-ordinated through the Nato Combined Air Operations Centre at Uedem in Germany while Standing Nato Maritime Group One has surface responsibility for the area. Not only is air and sea interdiction an important task, but also securing the sub-sea infrastructure.

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As never before submarine cables are critical for power, information and international telecommunications infrastructure. There is now effectively an offshore power grid with inter-connectors, as well as powerful communication and broadband links. The growth of internet provision and marine and offshore renewables has substantially increased the scale and importance of subsea infrastructure. According to the Scottish Government’s National Marine Plan “over 95% of international telecommunication is by submarine cable and approximately 40% of all the UK’s active international cables are on the Scottish seabed. An international cable network passes north and south of Shetland connecting North America to Europe. These cables do not make a landfall in Scotland. Other cables connect mainland Scotland to Shetland, Orkney, Northern Ireland, the Faroe Islands and oil and gas fields”.

How ironic it is, given these geo-strategic facts that the United Kingdom has been so remiss at taking the northern dimension seriously. No ocean going UK surface vessels are based in Scotland, participation in northern Nato Maritime Group One is sporadic, the UK has never contributed to the northern air patrol mission from Iceland and only now is maritime patrol capability being restored after the scrapping of the Nimrod fleet.

As Scotland comes ever closer to independence, it is good to see that the SNP is developing its thinking to prepare for the responsibilities that come with sovereignty. Next week the SNP is publishing its submission to the UK integrated defence review which stresses key priorities applicable to the period before independence, but equally after it too. This stresses the importance of an effective diplomatic and development service protecting and projecting Scottish interests, promoting a resilient state at a time of emerging threats and a modern armed forces.

European neighbours, treaty allies and other countries will be looking closely at the opinion polls in Scotland and assessing the impact of Scottish independence on their defence and security interests.

The 2014 independence referendum white paper gave an extremely detailed prospectus for Scotland’s defence and security, showing a commitment to treaty obligations and cooperation as a non-nuclear hosting Nato state like Denmark and Norway and to international peacekeeping like Ireland. The same commitments will be important in the next referendum as will be the security priorities that must accompany the aspiration to be a world leader in information technology.

By becoming independent Scotland will rejoin the European Union, will co-operate on defence and security bilaterally and multilaterally with treaty partners and the United Nations. Scotland has much to offer and given our geo-strategic location many responsibilities to be taken seriously.